TERRAVIVA, the Daily Record of Copenhagen+5.

Venezuela in Search of the Lost Credibility

When the then Venezuelan presidential candidate Hugo Chávez announced in late 1998 that one of his first moves as President would be to revive the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to force an increase in  oil prices, most market analysts did not take him seriously.

At the time the barrel of oil was worth just seven dollars and one of the few areas of agreement among the numerous "experts" was that the rebellious and divided OPEC was little more than an empty reminiscence of  the past and had no chance to exert any influence on markets.

Chavez won the 1998 elections and activated an OPEC ministerial meeting to curb production and re-establish discipline among member countries. The result was a sharp increase in prices which is lasting longer than its promoters anticipated or even desired.

Having accomplished that, says Venezuelan vice-president Isaías Rodríguez, his country is busy trying to restore its credibility as a reliable partner within OPEC and beyond, in the spirit of  late countrymen Juan Pablo Pérez Alfonso and Manuel Pérez Guerrero, who championed the cause of solidarity and cooperation among developing countries.

Diplomatic sources told IPS that Venezuela had promoted an agreement between oil-producing countries - OPEC and non-OPEC members - to act together on key issues in international fora. Such a move would include countries such as OECD members Mexico or Norway, whose economies depend heavily on oil exports.

The Venezuelan vice-president recognises that his country is wealthy and yet most of its population lives in abject poverty - 80 percent according to recent statistics. The government of Chavez, a former army lieutenant-colonel who led a failed military uprising in 1992, claims to be conducting a "revolutionary process" which has alienated the country from foreign investors and has scared local businesses, used to a cosy relationship with the political establishment.

In one year of government, Chavez managed to gather overwhelming popular support to dismantle his country's political and juridical system. A referendum in 1998 allowed him to convoke elections for a constitutional assembly, which drafted an approved a new political charter for the country, later backed by 70 percent of voters at a referendum.

Now the country is facing an electoral campaign marred by controversies, and in which the presidential post is again at stake as part of the "revolutionary process" initiated by Chavez. The former officer raises all kinds of passions in his country and abroad, but in spite of an ongoing economic crisis, high cost of living and rising unemployment he has maintained a solid support base among the country's poorest, making him the favourite candidate for next month's elections.

Chavez could be described as a left-wing nationalist, but in spite of his radical speech, his government has been careful in safeguarding civil rights, freedom of the press and in complying with the country's financial obligations abroad.

Chavez's right-wing opponents accuse him of plotting to gain absolute power and establish a communist dictatorship, while on the intellectual left he is considered to be a populist with fascist inclinations.

Whatever Chavez's inclinations, Rodriguez stresses that Venezuela is not seeking any protagonist role in international affairs, except for its moves within the oil producing countries.

In Geneva, Rodriguez defended the Group of  77 general principles and is standing by the negotiations of the previous agreement of negotiating with the North as a bloc, in which Venezuela is far from being a leader.

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